At the First All-lndia Session of Bharatiya Jana Sangh at Kanpur on December 29th, 1952

Let me in the first instance extend to you all my sincere welcome to the First All-India Session of Bharatiya Janasangh. I feel grateful for the honour and confidence bestowed on me by unanimously electing me as your president for the ensuing fear. It was only in October 1951 that Janasangh had emerged as an All-India political organization. Representatives from various parts of the country assembled in Delhi at that time and took into consideration the various problems confronting the country and the impediments standing in the way of national progress and solidarity.Within two months of its birth, the party decided to participate in the last General Elections, which were held on the basis adult franchise.This was a some what daring endeavour, specially in view of want of resources and preparation. The results were undoubtedly disappointing. Due to the multiplicity of parties and a large number of independent candidates, the Congress which was the most well organised political party and had the powers of Government in its hands, came out successful even though in many places the majority of the voters recorded their verdict against it. Allegations of serious malpractices and irregularities specially between the polling and the announcement of results were also made in many parts of India.They indicate the urgent need for revising some of the provisions of the electoral laws and rules.

In spite of all this we had the advantage of carrying the message of our party to the remotest corners of many States and were deeply gratified at the general response that we spontaneously received. Although our defeats were heavy, nearly 70 lacs votes were polled in favour of our candidates for election to parliament and various State Legislatures, indicating a substantial fund of good-will in our favour which should be capable of being nurtured and developed. After the elections a general atmosphere of depression set in. While touring in different parts of the country it was my privilege to impress upon all that our party had not been brought into existence only for fighting elections but it aimed at organizing itself on a sufficiently wide basis so as to render effective service to the cause of India's future progress.

Naturally, however, the defeat at the polls produced somewhat depressing atmosphere in many places and we had to take special steps for revitalizing our activities. That our efforts have borne fruits is amply evident today when we find such a large and representative gathering assembled at our annual session. I hope and trust that we will be able to pool together our talent and resources and our party will soon take deep root in the affections of the people throughout the land.


The programme and ideology of Janasangh were formulated soon after our foundation and covered the basic problems of our country-social and cultural, economic, political and international. From time to time we have made changes in them consist with the criticisms we have received and with the varying needs of the community. Our party is open to all citizens of India irrespective of caste, creed or community. It will be a fatal mistake to confine the membership of any political party in free India to sections of the people based on caste, community or religion. Equality of rights of Indian citizens, irrespective any consideration, forms the basis of the Constitution of India as indeed it must be a primary characteristic of any democratic country. Pakistan's recent proposals for basing her constitution, including! minority rights, on islamic law and principles of communal separatism flagrantly expose the reactionary character of that State.

India has been for centuries past the homeland of diverse people pursuing different faiths and religions. The need to preserve and respect the personal laws of such people specially in matters of religion and fundamental social obligations, is undoubted. In all matters concerning the rights and duties of citizenship as such, there must be complete equality for all. We must be able to carry all sections of the people with us by creating in their minds a healthy and progressive attitude of co-operation based on true equality of opportunity and mutual tolerance and understanding. Our party's door remains open to all who believe in our programme and idealogy irrespective of considerations of caste and religion. If some sections do not choose to come with us, we should still be able to march ahead carrying with us the support and goodwill of the general public. The biggest mistake made by the Congress was to have depended too much on the artificial Hindu-Moslem unity for the achievement of Swaraj. This led the Congress to accept compromise after compromise inimical to national interest, as a heavy price paid for Moslem collaboration. Ultimately however, the separatist tendencies which the Congress wanted to conquer by appeasement took the ugliest turn imaginable leading to the partition of the country. Whoever has heard that nationality can be based on religion, or that a section of the people who were converts or descendents of converts could successful their country's vivisection on grounds of religion? Our party believes that partition has done no good to the masses of people, either in India or in Pakistan. It has weakened the country in every way and the very problems that it was intended mainly to solve, have become far acuter and are baffling a peaceful settlement. To us, therefore, reunited India is not an idle dreamer a mere slogan. It is an article of faith with us, and is a goal we cofidently believe would be achieved sooner than later with the co-operation and understanding of the people themselves.


Our party believes that the future progress of India must be based on a natural synthesis between its full economic advance and the development of mind and character of the people in accordance with the highest traditions of indian culture and civilization. The political freedom that we have achieved will be meaningless without economic freedom. It is a tragedy that a vast country such as India, with its almost limitless resources and raw materials, should be steeped in poverty, disease, ignorance and degradation. Our party believes that without plunging the country into the vortex of violent chaos and conflict, it should be possible for us to readjust the conditions of our economic life so as to bring to an end a shameful era of exploitation and silent human suffering. Our party, therefore, has adopted as part of its economic programme a realistic and progressive approach in various spheres of activity, such as land and agriculture, integrated development of large scale, medium and small industries, increased production and fairer distribution. No equality of opportunity will ever be real and effective until the poorer and the backward sections of the people are given adequate educational and economic facilities and advantages, so as to undo the serious handicaps from which they suffer today.

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We strongly believe that economic advance alone cannot satisfy man's real urge or help in fulfilment of his destiny. There have been great characteristics of the Indian mind which have distinguished India from many other countries which claim to be highly advanced and progressive. Simplicity of living, a spirit of service and sacrifice, an attitude of contentment and selfless detachment, a sense of fellow-feeling and piety, a combination of strength and humility, of tolerance and unity, are some of the lessons that have been handed down to us from time immemorial as patterns of enlightened human conduct. Our country is a strange mixture of good and evil. Great truths have been uttered with remarkable simplicity and broad-mindedness representing the loftiest meaning of human life. Although they were observed in practice from time to time, they very often remained as barren assertions and the performances of many could hardly be reconciled to such noble preachings.This resulted in wide-spread social and economic inequalities and inequities which produced grave political consequences. To-day Free India must be able to interpret in a rational way the highest significance of the Indian mind and genius. It is through such a spiritual re-awakening that new India, also economically freed from domination and exploitation will be able to emerge as a powerful and self-reliant nation, whose contribution to the maintenance of world peace and freedom will be unquestionable. Our party though, ever prepared to extend its hand of equality to all citizens, does not feel ashamed to urge for the consolidation of Hindu Society, nor does it suffer from an inferiority complex to acknowledge proudly that the great edifice of Indian culture and civilization, which had stood the test of thousands of years, has been built, most of all by the labour, sacrifice and wisdom of Hindu sages, savants and patriots throughout the chequered history of our motherland. We are not so mean as to forget that in this gigantic process our country came into contact and conflict with many foreign races and ideologies and our great ancestors had the courage to fashion and refashion the country's structure in accordance with new ideas and with the changed conditions of our Society. If India's freedom is to be purposeful, a correct appreciation of the fundamental features of Indian culture-the discovery of that unity in diversity which is the keynote of her civilization-is highly essential.


A nation that fails to take pride in its past achievements or take inspiration therefrom, can never build up the present or plan for the future. A weak nation can never attain greatness. We believe in the doctrine of 'Ahimsa' as preached in Bhagwat Geeta. We believe in the acquisition of strength and prowess so as to be ready for any contingency, but never to utilise them for oppressing the poor or the weak. Our party realises that there is no hope for India until and unless her people living in remote areas, mostly illiterate, speaking diverse languages, following differentiates of life, habits, customs and manners, are welded together into one harmonious pattern in which they can retain their healthy features without sacrificing the organic unity of our nation. We naturally stand for the progressive use of Hindi as a language that can unify the thoughts and emotions of the people throughout the country. At the same time we recognise the imprecating need for developing the various languages of India-great and small-for they have been the channel of expressing the deepest thoughts of important sections of the Indian people in various fields of activity. We also feel that while India must have a strong, well-knit Central Government so as to protect her paramount interests, there should be more decentralization, forties alone can we effectively strengthen the base of administration and stimulate local efforts and responsibility.


We are still an infant organization and our greatest need is to set up as speedily as possible a net-work of our branches throughout the length and breadth of the country. Our workers must mingle with the masses and identify themselves with their joys and sorrows, While the ideology that we have adopted must be preached to one and all, consistent with our resources, we must undertake some useful and constructive activities. Limitless is.the field of service in our country. The recent movement for ban on cow slaughter and cattle preservation presents an opportunity for economic advance coupled with enlivening the very soul of India. What we need is a band of selfless workers who should be given adequate opportunities and help for this purpose.

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The planning Commission's proposals have recently been the subject matter of wide- spread discussion in and outside Parliament. It is said to be a five-year-plan, of which two years are already over. In none of the essential spheres of national life, such as food, education, health, land, employment, industry-large and small, do the proposals have anything spectacular or even inspiring to offer, so that the people who have felt oppressed by hunger and poverty may feel enthusiastic about them. The country suffers to-day from deep frustration and want of belief in the capacity and willingness of the present Government to do the right thing. They will no longer be deluded with mere promises and plans. They want to see something concrete achieved which will produce demonstrable results within as short a time as possible. India needs a big psychological shake-up and the plan unfortunately does not fulfil this essential requirement. Still I must recognize that the proposals embody the results of much laborious and intelligent activity and they seek to give us a co-ordinated picture of some of the colossal problems of India's social and economic reconstruction. There is no question of opposing the plan even if it does not fulfil our expectations. Any advance made to secure the welfare of the people, to increase production and to secure better distribution, or to create even scattered centres of concentrated village reforms, will help the people in some way or other. The only question is if we proceed at this pace allowing things to deteriorate more and more, will the patience of the suffering people remain unexhausted and will they agree always to suffer irk silent despair ? If popular frenzy once bursts up in defiance of Government's failure to do its duty, we may pass through much blood and tear, which otherwise might have been avoided.

Some words of caution must be uttered even for the fulfilment of the plan as it is. Much will depend upon the administrative machinery that is set up for the working of the Plan. It is essential that the men chosen for this purpose are fully qualified and possess that broad-mindedness and spirit of service which will mark them out as not mere paid employees but as agents for ushering in a new era of well-planned national advance. Their selection, therefore, must not be made on grounds of favouritism, patronage or party considerations. A true atmosphere of public co-operation is essential for the success of any integrated planning. The Bharat Sewak Samaj which was brought into existence with much trumpeting is not developing into a non party organization. Apart from this, there are many loopholes, many possibilities of the Plan being utilized for party maneuvering by those in power today. If this happens it will not only alienate much needed popular enthusiasm and support, but it will corrode the entire machinery for the execution of the Plan and will thus destroy all chances of success. The individual projects comprised in the plan to be undertaken by the state will require careful and strict supervision from commencement to termination. Some of the big state undertakings of recent times-such as Sindri Fertilizer Factory, Chittaranjan Locomotive Factory, Damodar Valley Corporation, are on the whole proud achievements. This does not mean, however, that the wastages and other serious irregularities and mistakes committed in the past should be allowed to be repeated in future. The machinery for stringent supervision of every such undertaking before and after completion, must be thorough and full periodical reports about their progress and activities must be available to the public. Each such public corporation must breathe an atmosphere of harmony and comradeship affecting all its workers from top to bottom, so that it may worthily represent the highest concept of a welfare state. At present there are many units of production and distribution under private management which cannot work according to their full capacity for various handicaps. If they receive due support and encouragement from the State, they can add to our national wealth and arrest the growing menace of unemployment. Among the post-partition problems there are three matters on which public attention has recently been very much focussed. They relate to Kashmir, East Bengal and Rehabilitation.

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